Notes on “Kurdish Independence”

“Kurdish Independence” has been a term loosely thrown around over the last century, since the Lausanne Treaty divided the former Ottoman Empire, with no mention of the Kurdish people. The concept of “Independence” has become a major tool, for the outside world and the Kurds themselves. Kurdish President Barzani , although agreeing to be a part of a unified Iraq, began to stoke the false flames of independence, in the midst of secular infighting and the emergence of ISIS. 6 months later, thousands of deaths later, Barzani is hush on the subject of Kurdish Independence, has settled into a close relationship with Turkey, and recently signed away Kurdish oil rights to the Iraqi Oil Ministry. Given Barzani’s grandstanding to his people, his conjuring up of visions of an Independent, united Kurdistan, many must be curious as to how Kurdistan is now in the exact subservient role as they were found prior to the events of this summer.

A thought provoking research article was recently written by Dr. Ataollah Mhamdi Malgharani and Seyedeh Marya Naghshbandy, named “ Examining the Relationship between Organizational Trust and Counterproductive Work, “ which has an even more generalizable message than, perhaps, the authors had intended. Within specific Kurdish businesses, the researchers determined the relationship between Organizational Trust and counterproductive behavior, both in and out of the office; such counterproductive behavior included theft, forgery, harassment, anger, alcohol and drug consumption, and internet abuse. The KRG now resettles into their comfortable position, a puppet government playing a support role to Turkish and American interests, with a sharp contrast between the wealthy and poor. With 30 to 40 percent of the population under the age of maturity, and an already high unemployment rate, the Kurdish region will soon face difficult times, furthering their dependence on the west and Turkey. A history of bribery, non-domestic mansion building, and expensive casino nights only reaffirms Kurdish outrage over extreme poverty rates, especially away from the capitol and major cities. As we’ve seen in Iran and Afghanistan, such obviously corrupt societies breed the very same qualities as those seen by counterproductive employees – drug use and violent crime increase, while old corruption plants the seeds for future corruption. The open campaign for independence, once the only rhetoric coming from President Barzani, has slowed to a trickle, now only being discussed by the fringes of Kurdish society. The numerous Kurds who went to war under the guise of independence will return to a Kurdistan which is merely an employee of the Iraqi Oil Ministry.

The KRG’s relationship with Turkey is the most troubling, and the most obvious reason to believe President Barzani had never been sincere about Kurdish independence, as Turkey has gone through tremendous efforts to neutralize any independence movement by Turkish or Syrian Kurds. Unbiased reports maintain numerous examples of Islamic State and Turkish collaboration: Turkish Kurds were stopped from assisting the embattled Syrian Kurds of Rojava; medical and militaristic aid for ISIS has been given by Turkey; the majority of foreign ISIS volunteers came from or through Turkey. Quite disgustingly, President Barzani, who maintains that the crisis in the Sinjar mountains is a national, Kurdish tragedy, has recently launched an offensive of words, for now, against the Kurdish PKK – who recently assisted numerous Kurdish minority groups in the very same Sinjar crisis involving ISIS. While such reports are now denied by Kurdish papers, there are simply too many witnesses and videos for the KRG to deny the facts. The numerous videos of PKK soldiers being greeted  in Iraq as heroes are easily accessible on youtube.  If the Kurds of northern Iraq don’t escape the fog of clan worship, there is no telling how many Turkish and Rojavan Kurds will suffer at the hands of this man, a man who invited ancient enemies and current day collaborators of extremist murderers into his own country, all for a profit, all at the expense of the people he calls ethnic and national brothers. The President should not be surprised by a lack of invitation to the US-led, anti-ISIS meeting in London, for play things and tools don’t have any role to play at such public events. Rather than independence, President Barzani chose the comfortable, lucrative, familiar role of pawn over the unfamiliar role of ally and unifier of the Kurdish people. When Mustafa Barzani, a hero of mine, saw the results of the Lausanne treaty, I don’t believe he could ever anticipate his last name would be associated with the perpetuation of the initial, unjust omission. Support for the KRG is support for a future of servitude.

The author wishes to note:

I have many friends in the northern Iraq region ( I will stop using the term “northern Iraq” when the KRG shows any intention of seeking something that doesn’t so closely resemble a medieval vassal status ) and I have the utmost respect for their intelligence and character. These men, despite my criticism of leadership and the Iraqi constitution, still speak to me, offering valuable insights and friendship. I offer these opinions not to criticize or condemn the people of Northern Iraq, but simply to inspire further inquiry. I look forward to future correspondents with people of all beliefs, for a homogenous conversation is not merely initially boring, but it is also the first ingredient of so many tragedies.